The Sanders Era. part II

           The Sanders Era    (part II)

      Four years ago we thought, during the primaries of the US Democratic Party, that Senator Bernie Sanders had a political platform that would transcend beyond that process, and eventually, beyond the presidential election. His approach – unique at that level - arouse enthusiasm in part of the Youth, proposing some sort of a turning point in the Democratic party and domestic politics, as a whole. The classical global political debate extended from the "conservative" to the "progressive" or centre-left; not to the "socialist" side (as far as we know). Sanders' platform proposed revolutionary solutions to essential problems that the established liberal state did not seem to face or could not ideologically solve. Despite being defeated, his program created a limited commotion, but seem to have forced the pre-candidate Clinton to shyly take some of those proposals. Sanders lost the nomination but had left the messageincorporated in the political debate.

An entire presidential period is about to elapse with a firm push for the president's re-election on the Republican side. Senator Sanders is there again, repeating his platform with adaptations, seeking the nomination of his party. But the national and international political situation in 2020 is far from that of President Obama's days that look today rather bucolic compared to our telluric juncture. The international system is facing changes, and the US is making progress towards the current administration objectives, which, if they were already antagonistic to the Sanders pre-candidate version 2016, now they are even more in his v. 2020. So, his renewed and persistent approach could shake his time the foundations of domestic politics if elected by the Democratic Convention.

Some considerations.

-First, the political situation in the US indicates more divisions than in 2016. On the one hand, Pres. Trump is consubstantiated with a large group of voters who aspires the country to resume that path of a world leader, free enterprise (in a nationalist framework), private property, non-interventionism, liberal democracy (with guidance), rule of law. Evidence indicates that Trump has met most of the expectations of that part of the population. (Latest polls ). On the other, a sector of the population radically opposes that policy with its political expression the Democratic party with its tonalities. Additionally, stimulating the confrontation are social networks and national and international press, participating openly and inclined towards one of the two sides. Not to mention the parliamentary arena.

-Second. The Democratic party has to choose a candidate. In the ideological front seems to us the Sanders and Warren agree in substance, far from Michael Bloomberg, far from Buttigieg or Klobuchar, But that is a matter of interpretation.

-Third. Interaction among States has intensified. The dynamics in the United States and its formulation of an unprecedented foreign policy, in its form and substance, have had consequences in others powers foreign policies resulting in an enormous impact on international politics. A new generation of inter-relations has emerged between the United States and the rest of the International Community.The increasingly complex global networks of finance, commerce and communications and power politics have deep repercussions on a grand scale at high speed.

-Fourth. We don't know who will win the Democratic nomination. If Sanders wins it, a fundamentally ideological debate will arise. (In the past, "extreme" ideas were seen under suspicion in the twentieth century when this type of approach was perceived as a "potential enemy of society", the "Second Red Scare" and McCarthyismwhich led to suppression or self-censorship of that kind of argumentation. This was gradually losing intensity in the next seventy years. That is, until now.)

-Fifth. Without those forbidden veils, remnants of a bipolar past, a Sanders elected would elaborate those ideas outlined generally in 2016. If another candidate wins, (provided that Warren do not), the national debate would return for its traditional policy frame ( right vs. centre-left)

There would be two platforms in the first scenario. Trump vs. Sanders. Both defined as antagonists and irreconcilable between the ring cornersof the Republican and Democratic sides.

The Sanders 'corner proposing a "made in the USA" socialism, as a form of the political system with education and health as strategic core elements. Reforms of the structures of the liberal State. Changes in the tax system, institutional reform, and many other measures of the centre-left repertoire.

At the other extreme, an acceleration and deepening of programmatic ideas of the first period would be considered (according to some measurements, Trump has evolved his speech from being "Moderate Conservative" between 2016-2017, to "Hard-core Conservative" from 2017 to present) with tax cuts, deregulation, military spending, as well as, pursuing of foreign policy issues: Foreign Trade (Mexico, Canada, EU), Global-Regional (Venezuela, Cuba), Environment (climate change ), Military conflicts (Iran, North Korea, Iraq, Afghanistan) Middle East (Syria. Israel, Palestine), Immigration (Mexico, Central-America), Terrorism, among others. (non-exhaustive listings)

-Finally, if the previous premises are given and that antagonistic debate is unleashed focusing on the "pernicious"or "benefactor" effects of socialism, then the "Venezuela case" as a "socialist" model would be at the centre of it. This is the new element that was not on the stage in 2016.This seems to have already begun in the speech on the State of the Union. So, Venezuela could go from representing a priority" foreign policy conflict" to additionally become an element of high controversy in the campaign (with the socialist approach to be examined as a model to be pursued in the USA). That would be part of the heavy deterrent artillery of the Republican candidacy. Some Democrats are perceiving that. The strategy to follow seems then to act "united" with the Administration policies towards the Venezuelan regime to neutralize any ideological resemblance. It is difficult that the "consequences of socialism" in the campaign does not affect the decision of those voters who have been attracted since 2016 by the radical platform of the Democratic sector. It could be one of the strong arguments against the Democratic party. Consequently, we will see if they manage to overcome that obstacle or, if that Era, enters into oblivion.

©2020 Vicente E Vallenilla. All rights reserved.